Was Hiroshima a war crime?

Ian Buruma, writer and Paul W. Williams Professor of Human Rights and Journalism at Bard, talks us through Hiroshima and the effects of the atom bomb.
Ian Buruma

Writer and Professor

17 Nov 2022
Ian Buruma
Key Points
  • The atom bomb was devised by the Americans to target Hitler’s Germany, but it was only ready after Germany had been defeated, so it was used on Hiroshima and Nagasaki.
  • A firebombing can destroy a city and much of its population, but in the case of an atom bomb or a nuclear bomb, future generations may still suffer the consequences.
  • The main argument used by the Americans at the time was that it was more humane to end the war sooner, which would save large numbers of lives.
  • The Japanese still wouldn’t surrender after Hiroshima. Even soon after Nagasaki, they didn’t. After the Emperor spoke, they had no choice.

 

Was the atom bomb a war crime?

Photo by Everett Collection

The question whether the atom bombing of Hiroshima and later Nagasaki were war crimes is not a simple one to answer. It depends what you mean by “war crime” – legally or morally. The bombings in August 1945 were the first time that atom bombs had been used on large cities. Some people think they ended the war; others think they didn’t – but they were different from anything ever done before. One bomb could demolish an entire city and much of its population in a very short amount of time. Was it a war crime? Strictly legally speaking, perhaps not, since the Geneva Conventions that existed before the war and during WWII did not say much about civilians. They were concerned about what combatants should do about POWs and similar issues. The first time that the Geneva Conventions addressed the matter of violence against civilians was around 1949, and even then it was more about what to do with civilians in occupied countries. In 1977, for the first time, an attack on unarmed civilians in a war was considered to be a war crime. So, legally speaking, it was probably not during WWII.

To talk about the moral consequences and also, of course, the military consequences of using bombs to terrorise the civilian population, you have to go back further than WWII. Arguably, the first time that it was done was in 1920 in Mesopotamia – today’s Iraq – which was then run by the British as a mandate after WWI. There were tribal rebellions in rather remote areas, and the thought of the British at the time – the minister of war was Winston Churchill – was that to use British troops to quell such rebellions would be extremely complicated and very expensive. So, he thought of a quicker and more effective way to put down the rebellion, and that was by bombing villages from the air. It was the first time that bombs were used strictly to terrorise a population into submission, and it was carried out by Squadron Leader Arthur Harris, later better known as “Bomber Harris”, who was responsible for the bombings of Dresden, Hamburg and so on.

Strategic bombing

Strategic bombing is the use of bombs as a form of terror to force a population into submission or to force it into rising up against its leaders. It was used by the Japanese in China, in Shanghai and Chongqing. It was used during the Spanish Civil War by German bomber squadrons, in the bombings of Warsaw by the Germans, and then in Rotterdam to force the Dutch to capitulate. After that, the German Luftwaffe attacked British cities and, very soon after the war began, the British began to retaliate. The reason was not, in the beginning, just to terrorise the civilian population in the way Churchill and Harris had done in Mesopotamia. It was done because bombing military targets meant that you had to fly very low and it was too costly. It was easy to shoot bombers out of the sky and they were losing too many crew. So, Churchill thought – and this was quite early on in WWII, when Britain was still relatively weak – they had to do something to bolster the morale of the population, to show that they could hit back. That was long before the invasion of Europe, of course.

They decided, therefore, that the best way to do this was to start bombing cities from a very great height, where you would no longer be bombing military targets precisely and, instead, bombing civilians. The argument then was – and this goes directly back to Mesopotamia – that if you break the morale of the civilian population in the enemy country, they’ll lose their stomach to fight on and they’ll rise up against their leaders. Of course, this never happened, but the strategy was used all the way up to the Iraq war with shock and awe. The idea that if you bomb the hell out of people, they’ll give up easily, doesn’t usually work. In fact, the morale is actually raised and it pulls people behind their leaders, because they’re the only ones who can protect them.

Photo by Everett Collection

The race to find the most devastating weapon

Then there was the race to find the most devastating weapon: the atom bomb. The Germans were working on it; the Japanese were working on it; but the Americans got there first. It was devised, at first, to target Hitler’s Germany, but it was only ready after Germany had been defeated, so it was used on Hiroshima and Nagasaki. This followed a bombing campaign in 1944 and 1945 of Japanese cities, which left almost nothing standing in any Japanese city. Only Kyoto and Nada weren’t bombed to smithereens, and there are various stories of why they were saved.

It’s important to know that the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki happened after the fire bombings of Tokyo, where hundreds of thousands of casualties were made in one night when wave after wave of B29 bombers hit the city, which had largely wooden houses, which went up like a torch. They also used napalm. As happened in other fire bombings, also in Germany, if you didn’t burn to death, you choked to death due to the oxygen being sucked out of the air. So, what was known as conventional bombing – strategic bombing – was an extremely cruel process, too. The question then is: Was the bombing of Hiroshima or Nagasaki a war crime? If it wasn’t, were the bombings of Tokyo, Hamburg, Dresden, Warsaw, Rotterdam and Shanghai not war crimes either? It’s a very difficult question to answer.

Clearly, there was a big technological leap. The consequences of an atom bomb were of a different scale to conventional fire bombing, and the number of casualties made in a very short amount of time were far greater. Perhaps even more important, in moral terms, was the fact that it has longer term consequences. A firebombing can destroy a city and much of its population, but in the case of an atom bomb or a nuclear bomb, future generations may still suffer the consequences. Does that make an essential difference? I would argue that it would not, which is not to say that one should minimise the horror of such a weapon, which nowadays, with our more sophisticated nuclear arms, could destroy mankind. This is not something to be taken lightly. In moral terms, I believe the line was crossed when people started to use bombs as a form of terror and on civilians. And as far as that’s concerned, technology may not be the decisive issue.

Were the bombs effective in ending the war?

The main argument used by the Americans at the time was that it was more humane to end the war sooner, to save large numbers of lives, because the Americans were very afraid that a military invasion of Japan would be tremendously costly, not only in American lives, but also Japanese civilian lives. The Japanese were told by their wartime government to fight to the death, and even schoolchildren were trained to use bamboo spears amongst other things, so the fear was not completely unjustified. Nonetheless, there’s still a lot of controversy about the question of whether these two atom bombs really did end the war sooner. We’ll never know the answer because it’ll remain fairly speculative, but it hinges on the demand of the allies that was made on the Japanese. It was the same demand that was made in Germany, which was that the allies would not accept anything short of complete surrender.

In the Japanese case, that also meant that the allies would not agree to the imperial system around which all the Japanese wartime propaganda and its institutions revolved. This is not to say that the emperor was necessarily all powerful. In fact, his power was quite limited, but everything was done in his name. The system was set up in such a way that the imperial throne was the centre of the Japanese wartime effort. The Japanese wartime cabinet, which met regularly to decide on the questions of war and peace, was presided over by the emperor, but he usually kept his mouth shut and the decision had to be unanimous.

Japan refuses to surrender

Photo by Everett Collection

The Japanese military would absolutely not accept the abdication of the emperor or the destruction of the imperial system, and as long as they did not accept that, unconditional surrender would not happen. That forced the allies to fight on with the risk of having to launch a full-scale invasion, which was used as an excuse to drop the bomb. There are various theories about it. Would it have been just as effective if they had dropped the bomb in Tokyo Bay, which would have been a demonstration of the power of the bomb without the civilian casualties? But they didn’t do that: they bombed Hiroshima. After they bombed Hiroshima, the wartime cabinet met. They were divided. There were those who said they should surrender and there were those who said they had to fight to the death. The diehards won the day. They still wouldn’t surrender after Hiroshima; even soon after Nagasaki, they didn’t. They then held a last meeting where, finally, the emperor did open his mouth and joined the peace faction – the faction that argued that they had no choice but to surrender.

When the emperor openly came down on one side, the diehards had no choice. They could not defy the word of the emperor. The next day, for the first time, the emperor spoke on the radio in very formal court, in a way that most Japanese couldn’t understand but enough to know that the war was over. However, even then it wasn’t quite over as there was an attempt to stage a coup at the Imperial Palace by diehards who wanted to fight on nonetheless.

Theories on Japan’s surrendering

One theory is that the atom bombs were so devastating – and this became the official line also confirmed by the wartime Emperor Hirohito himself, who stayed on his throne after the war – that the bomb was such a horrific weapon that the Japanese had no choice but to give up fighting the war. Others argue that it was the Soviet Union who, at the request of President Truman, had attacked Japan at the very last minute of the war and invaded Manchuria. The Japanese wanted to do everything to avoid being invaded by the Soviet Union, where at least part of Japan would have ended up like North Korea. That may have been decisive.

Another aspect is that the very nature of the atom bomb, the fact that it was such a different weapon technologically, that it was so devastating, was a sort of face-saving device for the diehards because they could then argue – to themselves more than to others – that they fought the conventional war. They were never defeated. They had done what they could, but the atomic bomb was like an act of God. There was nothing they could do about it, which gave them an out. It may be a combination of those various factors. Not only was the military establishment in Japan worried about an invasion by the Soviet Union but they were worried about a rebellion inside Japan by a population that was hungry, fed up and desperate, and that this rebellion would lead to a communist takeover. All these factors probably played a role, but an absolute answer to whether the bombs ended the war or whether even without the bombs the war would have ended, is unanswerable.

The consequences of the war

It’s always a mistake to say that there is one public opinion in any country. There is no Japanese view of the atom bombs or indeed on anything else, rather the main consequence of having dropped these bombs on Japan, in particular, but in a way on the rest of the world, too. In Japan, it strengthened the people who argued for a pacifist order, and when the United States administration that occupied Japan wrote a new post-war constitution for the Japanese, which had the famous Article Nine banning the use of military force in foreign policy and in effect military force altogether, it was supported by most Japanese because they were heartily sick of militarism and of the consequences of war. They’d been so badly punished themselves for what their leaders had done that there was very little resistance and, in fact, significant enthusiasm for a pacifist constitution. Ever since, the atom bombs have been used as the main argument to continue with the pacifist constitution. Naturally, public opinion has changed over time, and there are more people who now argue that this is out of date and they have to rewrite it, that Japan should also be able to take part in combat operations, if necessary. However, the link between the atom bombings and pacifism is very strong. That didn’t pacify the rest of the world, but you could argue that having seen the consequences of this weapon, people have been quite careful not to use anything like that again. Whether that will remain the case, we don’t know, but up until now, it hasn’t been used, which we can only thank God for, on our knees.

A parallel with post-war Germany

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There is another view, of course, for Hiroshima. There’s a parallel with post-war Germany in that the nationalist right wing, more or less revanchist, has argued that whenever people talk about Nazi atrocities, about concentration camps, about the Holocaust and so on, they will say: Why do you talk about our war crimes and our atrocities but never about Dresden? You never talk about the deliberate destruction of the civilian populations in Germany. It’s a somewhat disingenuous argument. The bombings, however abhorrent, were still acts of war against a belligerent country, whereas the Holocaust was a war to wipe out unarmed civilians as the goal. So, the two cannot be compared in that way.

This argument is made by German nationalists in the same way as Japanese nationalists of the right – and this would not be the majority of the Japanese population – even though that kind of sentiment, as memories of the war fade, has grown to some extent but has been very similar. In the Tokyo war crimes tribunal after the war, which was set up as an imitation of the Nuremberg war crime trials, one of the arguments of the defence was: It’s all very well hanging Japanese wartime leaders for having waged an aggressive war and for war crimes, but why does nobody talk about wiping hundreds of thousands of civilians in a matter of days with bombs? Surely that is just as bad. This was not admitted during the war crime trials as evidence. The allies were not on trial, so it was not admitted as evidence, but it is still used by nationalists in Japan as a way to somewhat downplay the war crimes for which Japan itself was responsible.

Discover More About

Hiroshima, its precursors and its aftermath

Buruma, I. (2009). Wages of Guilt: Memories of War in Germany & Japan. Atlantic Books.

Buruma, I. (2014). Year Zero: A History of 1945. Atlantic Books.

Buruma, I. (2004). Inventing Japan: 1853-1964. Modern Library.

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